“When a ruler violates the rights of his people, he creates a foe out of them. Then the basic power of the country is wasted in internal conflicts rather than constructive work.” Naguib Mahfouz
What kind of ruler was Anwar al-Sadat with respect to Copts?
Sadat did not have the same popularity as his predecessor Gamal Abdel Nasser. Was it because he was playing on many fronts and wanted to seize utmost power? Did his policies end in creating more foes than allies?
These and many other questions crop up in Watani’s most recent publication Sadat in the memory of Copts: Days of pain and triumph. The book, compiled and written by Robeir al-Faris, begins by recalling the status of Egypt at the period of the emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood in the late 1920s, and later the Nasser years (1952 – 1970), when sectarian incidents were not too frequent but were never covered by the press. But the main topic of the book is the Sadat era (1970 – 1981), normally regarded as the onset of political Islam in modern Egypt.
The beginnings
A close reading of the eight chapters of the book shows that the proliferation of violent religious groups in Egypt—especially during the 1970s—did not come out of a vacuum, but was the outcome of events and the general climate of previous years. The Six Day War in 1967 dealt a severe psychological blow to Egyptians. Those who supported the left wing and those who believed in Marxism found their dream collapsing. The only refuge was in religion, and that was the root cause of the anti-secular movement that came later.
In a chapter dedicated to highlighting the roots of the violence, the book delineates the then prevalent war of ideas. Many writers and thinkers took it upon their shoulders to criticise the Jews not only as the enemy but also as apostates. The Torah came under fire, and since the Torah was part of the Holy Book for Christians the latter were also categorised as enemies of the Muslim State.
Escalation of violence
Sadat gave absolute freedom to the religious wing. What prevailed were the teachings of Sheikh Omar Abdel-Rahman who said that spilling Christians blood was halal (permitted) and later allowed the bloodshed of Sadat himself, Sheikh Kishk, who warned against benevolent communication with kuffar (apostates) referring to Christians, and Sheikh Shaarawi, who used his popular TV show which was aired every Friday to criticise and insult the Christian creed.
In such a setting of hatred and anticipation, it was natural that the Muslims who were affected by the negative religious address would begin to move against their fellow citizens whose only flaw was to believe in a different religion. Sectarian events escalated. The book cites the worst incidents as those of Khanka in November 1972; the tragedy of Ayyaat Church in 1975; the assault on St Mary’s Church at Bitakh in Sohag in 1975 while people were praying inside; the assault by the police against St Mary’s Church in the village of Menqateen in Samallout during a church service following 13 years of futile attempts to obtain license to conduct prayers; the murder of Fr Reweis Zakher in Abu-Tig in 1978; the arson of St Mary’s Church in Qasriyat al-Rihan in Old Cairo; and the notoriously bloody sectarian conflicts in Zawya al-Hamra, which almost escalated into civil war in June 1981. In all those incidents the victims were never compensated for any losses, and the criminals went unpunished.
Healing wounds
The days of agony seem age-long, but moments of victory can help heal even the deepest wounds. Not only did the October War show that Egypt was able to defend itself against occupation, but it was a time of strong unity between Muslims and Christians who had equal rights in reclaiming their land and their dignity. Watani’s book reminds us that it was a Coptic engineer who designed the water canons that brought down the Bar-Lev line, and it was a Copt who first raised the Egyptian flag in the land of Sinai. The Church did not stop at its spiritual role during the war; it collected donations for soldiers and families whose bread-winners were on the battlefield. Priests visited hospitals and nuns volunteered to nurse wounded soldiers. Copts abroad held conferences and demonstrations to support the nation’s cause.
Sadat realised that giving Copts their rights would guarantee the national security of all Egyptians. The book cites how, on the celebrations of the seventh anniversary of the apparitions of the Holy Virgin at her church in Zaitoun Church, Cairo, Sadat approved three presidential decrees for building three Churches. During a visit to America, Sadat paid USD5000 towards the cost of buying a church in Washington. He also wrote off a EGP95,000 debt owed by the Coptic Orthodox Cathedral in Abbassiya, Cairo to the State since 1971.
The battle over sharia
The war ended, however, and Islamists resumed their campaign for Islamic law and Islamic rule. Sectarian violence resumed with a vengeance. Calls rose to implement sharia (Islamic law). Tensions rose between Sadat and Pope Shenouda III. When no amount of Coptic demand would persuade Sadat that sharia was not acceptable to Copts, Pope Shenouda September 1977 called for a three-day fast among Copts. Sadat considered this an act of mutiny against him.
The increasing number of sectarian conflicts created feelings of discontent and anger among Copts living abroad. When Sadat visited the United States, Copts organised demonstrations asking for the rights of Christians who were oppressed at home. Sadat felt that his image was tarnished and it would endanger his foreign policy. He thought that it was Pope Shenouda who was behind these demonstrations and ordered the Pope to stop giving his weekly sermons. With more pressures practiced on Copts, the Pope announced in April 1980 that there would be no celebration of Easter apart from the religious rituals, and that he would not meet any of the officials who come to greet him. It was the first time for the Pope to announce publicly that Copts are being oppressed in Egypt. Shortly afterwards, in September 1981, the Pope was banished to the desert Surian Monastery in Wadi Natroun. His banishment only ended in January 1985 by a decree from President Mubarak.
Isis prays
This is not to imply the picture was absolutely bleak. The book goes on to cite incidents of solidarity, as when Muslims defended their Coptic neighbours during violent sectarian events.
Sadat has always been a controversial personality. The book ends by reprinting a scene written by Nobel Laureate Naguib Mahfouz in which he envisions Sadat before the divine throne answering for himself to all his Egyptian ancestors and predecessors Isis, Osiris, Amun, King Mena, pharaohs Tutmosis and Ramesses, as well as Gamal Abdel-Nasser. At the end, Isis raises her voice in a plea for everyone to pray for Egypt.