Once Mohamed Mursi was elected president, Egyptians held their breath in anticipation of how he would tackle the momentous challenges that lay before him. To cite but a few, there
Once Mohamed Mursi was elected president, Egyptians held their breath in anticipation of how he would tackle the momentous challenges that lay before him. To cite but a few, there was the absent security on the streets, the floundering economy, the need to form a new government, and the appointment of his deputies and aides. It is no secret that Egyptians were divided: one camp sympathised with Mursi and thought he deserved a fair chance to keep good on his promises; another camp declared itself in the opposition and pledged to monitor every one of the president’s moves. There would be no lying in wait for failures, but there would also be no tolerance for infractions. Several monitor posts were thus set up to mark progress—or reverse progress—throughout the 100-day countdown during which Mursi had promised Egyptians they would feel a tangible improvement in the country’s crucial problems of absent security, bread and fuel shortages, waste disposal, and the like.
It is now some three weeks since the president was sworn in. Mursi supporters see the situation in Egypt as no cause for concern, but Mursi opponents monitor, with no little wariness and suspicion, his flurry of meetings with the Premier, cabinet members, governors, governor of the central bank, local government officials, health and education officials, and others. All this while the presidential palace is surrounded with thousands of miserable people who have problems they require the president to solve. When the crowds disrupted traffic in the vicinity, some even attempted to climb up the walls of the presidential palace to gain access to the offices inside; the President formed a group of guards and aides to receive written complaints and promise something would be done about them. The crowds were then channelled to the palaces of Qubba and Abdin in Cairo where it was announced their complaints could be handed to a “Bureau of Injustices”. I cannot tell whether this was a positive step that built on State institutions in a State of law and order; or an emotional, unpretentious response that brings to mind the era of the ++wali++ (viceroy) who bestowed favours upon grateful subjects.
Upon his inauguration, Mursi met with the chiefs of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) which ruled Egypt during the interim period, and the judges of the Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC). These meetings generated general comfort, since they appeared to herald in an era of rapprochement and working-together, and to put an end to political strife. What was neither expected nor comprehensible, however, was Mursi’s excessive participation in military events and celebrations, as well as his over-generosity in granting medals and decorations to military leaders. All this appeared premature, ornamental, and out-of-touch with the problems of the masses. The passage of one week after the other with no presidential deputies or aides appointed, nor a premier to form a government, gave rise to suspicions that work in the presidential and governmental institutions was idling. Worse, it provided the media with the perfect opportunity to predict various names for the so-far vacant posts, playing thus on the sentiments of the public and creating a climax rife with conspiracy.
But all this was nothing to compare with the bombshell Mursi exploded last Sunday when he issued a presidential order to reinstate the People’s Assembly (PA) which was dissolved last month by a SCAF order following a SCC ruling that the elections which voted in the PA were unconstitutional. Mursi’s bombshell came at a time when the country was most in need of hard work to rebuild what had been lost during the turmoil since the revolution. The last thing needed was for Mursi to engage in petty political battles and to challenge the legitimate authorities whose rules and judgement he had pledged to respect and honour.
Amid the conflict and divisions the country has been hurled into, several questions beg answers. Who draws the policies of the presidency? Why the battles and confrontations we need least at this point in time? Is this Mursi’s method of working for the benefit of all Egyptians? Is this how he intends to rescue the country from the economic downturn it needs so badly to emerge out of? Or is this a calculated step to divert attention from the 100-day deadline that is fast approaching while none of Mursi’s promises materialise?
WATANI International
15 July 2012