WATANI International
27 November 2011
The escalation of violence and civil disobedience over the past two weeks leaves me unable to grasp the situation, particularly since we have been counting down to the legislative elections scheduled to begin tomorrow. This, in the context of the myriad debates, disagreements and delays we have gone through during the transitional period following the January Revolution, places us on the threshold of establishing democratic institutions, drafting a new constitution, and electing a civilian president. The roadmap we had pinned our hopes upon appeared to be materialising, and doubts over the success of the revolution were being dispelled. Why all the turbulence then? Who has a vested interest in aborting the revolution?
In the two weeks that followed the outbreak of the revolution, I disagreed with several young journalists at Watani who insisted that Mubarak should step down, despite his pledges to introduce ministerial and constitutional changes and not to nominate himself for another presidential term. My point then was that, although Mubarak##s announcement came late, important goals had already been met and the impetus of the revolution would prevent Mubarak and his clique from reneging on their promises. But the revolutionary youth marched on, forcing Mubarak to leave office and transfer his prerogatives to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) on 11 February. As the youth cheered and celebrated, I expressed reservations that Egypt had rid herself of a dictator and plunged into the unknown. There was no political leadership and no plan, neither were there any effective institutions to lean on. I warned of major perils that lay in wait.
The unique climate of national unity and solidarity that had engulfed the country during the revolution gave way to apprehension as, in the wake of loose security, peaceful civilians became victims of acts of thuggery and terrorism. Political Islamic currents emerged to hijack the revolution, ever striving for a larger slice of the political cake; it did not matter whether this was realised through persuasion or intimidation. The situation further augmented my fears.
When revolutionaries rejected Ahmed Shafiq##s cabinet, overlooking the achievements he had made and insisting he should leave together with all those who had served under Mubarak, I wrote: “Is the revolution eating itself up?” I recognised a degree of irrationality and whimsicality on part of the revolutionaries. Then mistakes followed one after another, and we found ourselves encountering an odd situation: a revolution that had lost its mind and an authority—military and civilian alike—that was too reluctant to enforce the rule of law and authority of the State. Warnings of the grave consequences such a situation involved fell on deaf ears. The appetite of outlaws and thugs to further challenge the State and the community swelled. Waves of crime, assault and civil disobedience overwhelmed the country; roads and railway tracks were blocked, natural gas pipelines blown up, and public transportation paralysed. The only time the SCAF took immediate, tough action was when terrorists threatened to halt navigation through the Suez Canal. Otherwise, it was perennial official inactivity.
No surprise then that irresponsible acts of violence, fires and destruction, should mushroom, immeasurably harming the Egyptian economy. The last episode in this desperate series was the horrific protest in Damietta and Ras al-Barr in the northeast Delta two weeks ago. Residents besieged the MOPCO petrochemicals factory on grounds that it damaged the environment and threatened public health; they blocked the coastal highway and paralysed commercial activity in Damietta Port, causing momentous economic losses and placing the port at threat of being declared unsafe for world trade. Yet the factory that triggered all this unrest is internationally ranked among the top nine in the world to abide by environmental safety standards.
Just as the Damietta crisis began to subside, violent protests erupted in Tahrir Square and extended to Alexandria, Suez and several other towns. Shops and cars were assaulted, and attempts were made to break into public offices. Behind this outburst of violence lay declared disillusionment with the transitional period, and a demand by some forces that the SCAF should announce a clear schedule for transferring power to a civilian rule. It was made to appear as though we were in a murky area of uncertainty, as though there was no roadmap at hand for the transitional period, or that the crucial legislative elections were not just round the corner.
It grieves me to admit that some in Egypt insist on thwarting the electoral process, assisted by political currents that seek to achieve hegemony through division, violence, and terrorism. They aim to push the silent majority back into passivity, especially after this majority displayed keenness to head to the ballot box and share in rescuing and running the country. The welfare of Egypt will depend on the abortion of these devilish plans, and on the determination of the silent majority to flock to the polling stations.