The Port Said tragedy of Wednesday 1 February, which horrified Egypt and earned a prominent spot on world news reports, will remain a black spot in the history of Egypt and its
The Port Said tragedy of Wednesday 1 February, which horrified Egypt and earned a prominent spot on world news reports, will remain a black spot in the history of Egypt and its January Revolution. No matter what investigations or fact-finding reports reveal—be it criminal plans or conspiracies—the ugly, barbaric face of a sector of our community has become a deplorable part of our daily lives, and is left unchecked and unpenalised.
Many wonder: “Whatever happened to Egypt? Why this frightful turn to violence? Whatever happened to the Egyptian legendary nobility, kindness, and gallantry?” Egyptians may very well be suffering a deplorable turn towards evil as a result of deep political, economic, social and cultural changes. Evil is no monopoly of the Egyptian people of course; it is embedded in human nature in all times and all places; and is tamed and controlled through the law.
While we wish to remedy our community ills through education reform; economic growth; citizenship rights, equality, and social justice; we realise that this is a long term strategy that would take decades to achieve. In the short term, the only way is to empower the rule of law to defend the dignity of the community and the prestige of the State. If we fail to uphold the supremacy of the law, our community will decline into an abyss of chaos, anarchy, evil, and violence; a jungle in which barbaric creatures devour one another and survival is for the more brutal.
It pains me to say that this is post-25 January 2011 Revolution Egypt. The great revolution which inspired the world has turned into a wild, unfettered beast that has turned to destroy our land and is—in the absence of constraints, security, or law—getting wilder by the day. It has not been disclosed why a catastrophic security lapse followed the revolution, giving way to all form of crime. It seemed as though Egyptians were paying a price for bringing down the old regime and its mighty security apparatus. Egyptians turned to their army for rescue from the thugs and outlaws who terrorised them, robbing, looting, and killing. The military did go down to the streets to defend the people and their revolution. It pledged protection till the country peacefully traverses the transition to the civil rule and democracy that would secure freedom and social justice to all Egyptians regardless of social or economic status, political preference, gender, or religion.
Egyptians declared their confidence in the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which shouldered the burden of the caretaker authority once Mubarak stepped down. As such, it became responsible for drawing a roadmap for the aspired democratic transition until it would hand over power to a civilian authority. The majority of Egyptians felt comfortable with the leadership of SCAF, and paid little attention to attempts to cast doubts on its intentions or allegations that SCAF was seeking to seize power. Since its first declarations, SCAF appeared strong, uncompromising, and persistent in carrying Egypt over to stability.
The violence and outlaw activity never ceased, however; in fact it spread and became cause for genuine concern, since the perpetrators expanded to include political and religious currents which competed with the outlaws to terrorise peaceful civilians. Egyptians looked up to SCAF to beat with an iron fist the outlaws, extremists, and terrorists; and to defend the sovereignty and prestige of the State, but SCAF did none of that. Rather, it insisted it had pledged not to attack a single Egyptian. In the process, however, the bitter truth was that this pledge worked to protect terrorists and criminals, and assure them they were sufficiently safe to get away with their crimes.
Anyone who might think I am exaggerating needs only look back at the series of incidents which took place after the revolution. The rule of law receded, and the escalating chaos and crime inevitably led to the Port Said massacre less than two weeks ago. The string of events included cutting the railway lines in Qena to protest the appointment of a Coptic governor; and a series of brutal attacks against the Copts in Etfeeh, Imbaba, Ain Shams, Merinab, and Maspero. The Israeli embassy in Cairo was attacked, as was the Giza security directorate. The gas line in Sinai was repeatedly blown up, some 10 times now since the revolution. Road blocks, car thefts and child kidnappings became everyday events. The international coastal highway was blocked and Dumyat port was forcefully closed for more than two weeks. Demonstrators several times attempted to break into the Interior Ministry and the Cabinet. The Egyptian Institute was put on fire. Protestors occupied the Dabaa nuclear site and destroyed the facilities and infrastructure of the nuclear reactor. Esna dock was closed, bringing to a halt Nile navigation and seriously harming tourism. Foreign journalists were assaulted, female reporters were harassed, and tourists kidnapped. Armed robbery of banks and exchange bureaux took place. Vacant homes were broken into and seized. Non-licensed buildings, whether on agricultural land or in towns, went on non-stop. Non-peaceful demonstrations and walk-outs that caused work stoppages, traffic paralysis, and terrorised citizens incessantly continued.
The horror scenario appears to go on endlessly, while the security authorities appear powerless and the military refrain from action. Then we wonder about the reasons behind the Port Said tragedy? Definitely there are elements—whether internal or external—that conspire against Egypt and its revolution and, equally definitely, Egypt’s leadership makes it easy prey for these forces of evil. Now it is time to take everyone to task.