• Born in 1947 in Beni Sweif, Lower Egypt.
• Earned a degree in Social Studies from Ain Shams University.
• Preferred to work as an independent writer and researcher instead of joining any formal organisation, whether societal, governmental, or non-governmental.
• Al-Qemani’s works are valued for their intellectual and enlightened content. He has written many articles and books; among which are God of the Times, The Other Question, The Legend and the Heritage, and The Fascists and the Homeland.
• Al-Qemany is known for his research on the roots of religions and ancient civilisations, as well as on the causes of the present-day cultural backwardness and on the way out of it.
“I am not an ally of anything or anyone but the principles I believe in. Corruption and sectarianism are two sides of the same coin, and extremists, while accepting the accoutrements of civilisation, attack those who created them” — Sayed Al-Qemani
After a 3-month summer break, Watani Forum resumed its sessions on 20 November by hosting the prominent intellectual Sayed al-Qemani, a militant advocate of enlightenment, liberalism and freedom of thought. Al-Qemani’s enemies are many, since he has chosen to acknowledge the evils of society rather than attempt to falsify reality. In a session that lasted for two hours, al-Qemani touched on the grievances of citizenship rights in Egypt, or what he called “a nation in crisis… a citizen in downfall”.
Two sides of a coin
From the outset, al-Qemni pointed out that citizenship rights represented one side of a coin whose other side was sectarian thought, which today appears to dominate the views of both Muslims and Christians in Egypt. Owing to well-known historical circumstances, the voice of Islamic sectarianism has become the louder of the two. “But I have always dreamed that Christians will protect themselves by sharing the national consciousness rather than resorting to sectarianism,” he went on. “As such, Christians could join advocates of civil society and equal citizenship rights. But sadly, there appears to be no difference between the fanatics of the two religions.”
Reluctant past
For these diehard Copts, Egyptian history begins with the Gospel of St Mark, while for the Muslims, history starts with the invasion of Egypt by Amr Ibn al-Aas. Both sides ignore the country’s ancient history, which began ages before either event. In this context, Copts are reluctant to admit the intrusion of an Arab component in Egyptian culture, while Muslims do not recognise the Coptic era and regard the ancient Egyptians as miscreants. It is as though the nation follows its heart and leaves its mind. And yet, it should be recognised that it is precisely this plurality that enriches society and advances its culture.
Entertainment
Ancient Egypt has been reduced to a TV programme called Khamsa Siyahha, (Five Minutes of Tourism), which provides material for entertainment rather than enriching the audience’s knowledge of ancient Egyptian civilisation. The Coptic era, moreover, is sidelined in school curricula and the media. “Those who deliberately omit sections of Egyptian history act according to the mentality of the invaders” al-Qemani said. “What I would like to say is that our nation has three main cultural tributaries: ancient Egyptian, Coptic and Arab, and the crisis emerges when one of these dominates the others.
Bedouin culture
Al-Qemani said that Bedouin culture – under which Islam emerged – was opposed to the idea of citizenship. “The fact that the Bedouin keep on the move to look for water and pasture shapes their ideological build and leaves no place for the concept of a national homeland. The Bedouins culture thus draws heavily on the tribe, which works as an abstract home. If Islam is viewed through this perspective, the concept of nation vanishes in favour of that of religion. In this context, some would say that Egyptian Muslims are closer to Afghani Muslims than to Egyptian Copts. And the same could be said of Copts, who could be seen to have more in common with American Christians than with Egyptian Muslims.
Formal religion
“Such a line of thought becomes catastrophic when the Constitution stipulates that Islam is the formal religion of the State, even though the State is an abstract entity that could have no religion. Saying that the State embraces a formal religion implies that there exist other informal religions, a situation which implicitly signifies the exclusion from full citizenship rights of holders of other religions. Furthermore, sectarianism breeds corruption. “An indicative example is Al-Azhar University’s exclusion of Copts’ even though the university is financed by Egyptian taxpayers, regardless of their religion.
Pushed to leave
Sectarianism is clearly expressed in the way the roles of Copts in shaping major historical events is frequently ignored. “Is this the right way to reward Copts for their joint role with Muslims against colonialism?” al-Qemani asked. “Worse still is denominating Copts as ahl al-zimma (non-Muslims under Muslim rule) or the claim that Copts should not join the army because they might take the side of the [Christian] enemy in the case of war,” he added.
“Whenever a sectarian problem arises, national television airs programmes manned by clerics of both religions advocating national unity, but no radical solution is offered. This atmosphere augments the fears of Copts’ and drives many of them to migrate.
The issue of foreign voices criticising the treatment of Copts was raised, and al-Qemani voiced his rejection of any outside intervention – as well as the double standards involved in the issue. He asked why we would demand Muslim rights in non-Muslim countries, at the time when we reject any mention by the outside world of the rights of Copts.
The floor was then thrown open to questions.
Ezzat Hazqyal: How can Copts confront their being labelled by fanatics as infidels, and their consequent rejection?
“The situation cannot easily be changed, and I have personally suffered from charges of being an infidel, maybe more than Copts. If extremist Islamists come to power in our country, you – as Copts – will endure much pain because of the cross, but my suffering – as an enlightened Muslim – could be greater. I would probably be crucified [as a traitor of Islam].”
Sameh Fawzi: I feel that there is an about-consensus among Copts to deal with the Coptic issue from a sectarian perspective. We need enlightened, liberal ideas to penetrate deeper in society.
“I totally agree with you, and I believe that the presence of a volunteer elite that is courageous enough to discuss, write and criticise freely is a must. Liberal discourse must be encouraged and fostered by the media and political parties. That would be a first step towards nurturing enlightened thought.
Magdy Samaan: is it possible for Islamic political parties to exist as equivalents to European Christian parties?
“Democracy does not merely signify ballot boxes, but requires a cultural infrastructure of respect for human rights and freedom of faith. But Islamic movements reject such an infrastructure, so they cannot be democratic.”
Mervat Ayoub: Sometimes we hear moderate Islamic religious discourse while at other times we are met with fanatic discourses, a situation that creates a lot of confusion.
“The two sides are selective in picking religious texts. Some people focus on texts encouraging freedom of belief and the values of tolerance, while others stress texts denying the right of freedom in belief.
George Riad: Could new information technology such as the Internet and satellite TV stations play a role in encouraging Egyptians to be more open to the outside world?
“The problem is that Islamists accept the products of modern civilisation but reject the thought and the system that created the climate necessary for the creation of such products. It would not be astonishing therefore to see someone offending the West through a microphone that had been produced in the West.”
Watani International
8 February 2022