WATANI International
11 December 2011
The Muslim Brotherhood Rule; Opportunity of a Lifetime; Abdel-Qader Shuheib; Dar al-Maarif; Cairo; August 2011
The Muslim Brotherhood Rule; Opportunity of a Lifetime by Abdel-Qader Shuheib may be classified among what is frequently termed as journalistic books. These are books which tackle ongoing events, the outcome of which remains to materialise, making them thus good material for controversy and speculation, and providing the opportunity of offering various scenarios for the unfolding of events.
Shuheib chose to tackle an issue which at the moment preoccupies all Egyptians, that of “what if the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) get to rule Egypt?”
Raised ceiling
In ten chapters, Shuheib discusses the topic of the possibility of the MB reaching power in Egypt. He sees that the current phase is the best opportunity they have had over some 80 years to reach power. Realising this, the MB are holding on to it with all their might, so that they do not miss their chance as they did following the 23 July 1952 Revolution when they disagreed with the Free Officers—the military men who led the Revolution.
Under the title “Acute desire”, the first chapter reminds how, following the 25 January 2011 Revolution, the MB declared they would be seeking participation not majority, and that the group would not be targeting the presidency or a parliamentary majority.
Following the 19 March referendum on presidential prerogatives in the Constitution, however, in which the Islamist current was able to secure 77 per cent of the vote, they sensed that they—as part of the Islamist current—enjoyed a larger majority than they had opted for, and thus raised the ceiling of their targets. They collaborated with their historical archenemies, the Salafis who, despite their hardline Islamic principles are ideologically at variance with the MB, by assuring them the MB political project was thoroughly Islamist. The prominent Salafi Sheikh Dr Hammami declared: “The MB are pious people who share with us common ground [the Islamist project]. They are better than those who disregard Islam and its sharia. Once the MB hold the reins in Egypt, they will establish an Islamic State.”
The undecided
In a chapter entitled “The undecided”, the writer explains how the MB are adept at exploiting ‘the carrot and the stick’ to attract the large, undecided sector of voters. The book was written before the parliamentary elections currently taking place, and estimated that the MB could be assured of some 2 million voters voting in their favour. Given that the Egyptian electorate counts some 50 million voters, this left a large sector of undecided voters waiting to be attracted to the MB camp.
Apart from active social service—through a nationwide network, the MB offer needy families food, clothing, blankets, butane cylinders, school fees for children, and free medical care—the MB aggressively move in the media to project an appealing image. They are welcomed by several existing TV satellite channels; Shuheib claims that among these is al-Jazeera which boasts a large proportion of MB members or fans among its staff. The MB have as well launched TV channels of their own: Misr 25 Yanayer, Modern Hurriya, and others.
The ‘stick’ part exploited by the MB is represented by the smear campaigns they launch against adversaries, whom they accuse of being infidels, traitors, or at best enemies of Islam.
A deal?
There has been much talk of a deal between the MB and the ruling Military Council (MC). The indications are many; Shuheib cites—among others—the dominance of the MB current among the members of the committee which was charged with drafting the constitutional amendments last March, and the assistance requested of them by the MC to contain sectarian incidents as in Etfeeh, also last March.
Shuheib, however, insists there is no deal between the MC and the MB; merely pragmatic mutual interests. The military institution, according to Shuheib, would never hand over power to the MB on a silver platter, yet they realise the huge potential of the MB to manipulate the State’s political institutions in the direction they wish.
The book discusses in detail the economic policies proposed by the MB, revealing just how obscure they are. The MB, Shuheib shows, give no clue as to how they intend to deal with the country’s budget deficit, the subsidies, foreign investment, or modern banking which is frequently branded as usury—an activity condemned by Islam. They do not say what substitute they propose for the income of tourism once they decide to abolish beaches where swimwear may be worn.
Real fears
The writer makes it clear that many sectors in Egypt fear the rise to power of the MB. It is feared that opponents would be branded traitors of Allah, rights and liberties would be curtailed, art and culture would be pronounced un-Islamic, women would be forced into submission and staying at home, Copts would be treated as dhimmis (non-Muslims under Muslim rule) not Egyptian citizens. There is also the bigger fear of jeopardising Egypt’s sovereignty by taking Islamic teachings to their literal limit where Islam is the nation and the Qur’an is the constitution, the wider perspective being to establish the Islamic caliphate in which Egypt would be a mere non-characteristic, non-defined division or province.